Jos, uma vila no centro da Nigéria voltou estes últimos dias a mostrar a cólera de Deus. Três dias de enfrentamentos mortíferos em nome de Deus, um Deus cunhado por uma teologia política fortemente radicalizada. Em causa está a lei, o poder, o homem, a terra e a tradição religiosa. A religião inventa o seu espaço de autonomia e com esta invenção também abre caminho para o desentendimento óntico. Mais matérias para os estudiosos da vida marginal.
sexta-feira, 22 de janeiro de 2010
sábado, 9 de janeiro de 2010
FROM ASHES TO UNCERTAINTY
After so many starts and re-starts in Guinea-Bissau, one could hardly say that we are facing a new beginning. The International Community’s optimism about the country’s future can bring cheerfulness. Nonetheless, in practice the tradition of instability shows otherwise. There is a need for caution and, above all, a realist analysis of the situation. As such, this new beginning – if there is one – would consist in a tacit pact between the political and the military class. Per se this is not bad as consolation. It can be seen as calming if it allows the country to live in peace while facing the uncertainties of the future.
If the current situation spares blood and violence, the Carlos Gomes Júnior’s Government must be openly supported, as well as the continuous fearful silence of President Malam Bacai Sanhá. This support must be given while it is possible, as usually periods of stability in Guinea-Bissau only last six to twelve mouths. Alas, this timeframe is long enough for a new politico-military death or another coup attempt to subvert an order that never truly existed in the country.
If one aims for a new beginning - a time to rebuild a country from ashes, even if in political and military uncertainty -, there’s the need to impose a ‘military oblivion’. Therefore, the current International Community wish for a ‘peace without peace’ in Guinea-Bissau will not be realized dealing only with violence and harshness towards its military - as if it would be possible to cure in an instant a decade-old malaise.
This approach should not be seen as an opportunity given to Guinea-Bissau. It is rather an appeal to the growth and ripening of political institutions. This mechanism should be seen from the epistemic side of politics: to educate how to do politics, to educate politicians how to behave as public figures. This should not be blended with the West’s longing to solve the narcotrafficking problem. These are separated goals.
Bissau-Guinean politicians must understand why they enter into politics. If they do not know it, there will never be politics in Guinea as there will never be political responsibilization. Having this in mind, the International Community should focus in organizing a continuous political seminar for local politicians and military to tutor them on how to better perform their duties. Local institutions have failed to educate its officials to work for them and the people. Without that, there is no possibility for political responsibilization in Guinea-Bissau. For now, Bissau-Guineans go into politics without having public service in mind. Instead, they chose that path to serve themselves in a sophistic manner. Thus, there’s an urgent need for a political episteme in Guinea-Bissau. Only with an ethical-ontic compromise will politics in Guinea serve those who are the object of politics.
Nowadays it is crucial to reflect on Bissau-Guinean’s education, the training of its officials and in the fair distribution of the country’s meagre resources. Guinea’s politicians must also avoid the image of a country besieged by narcotrafficking, while avoiding making this its main priority and obsession. The fight against drug trafficking must also be dealt with by the countries affected by it in cooperation with Guinea-Bissau’s government, providing it with efficient means. However, the difference between providing and imposing must be respected. Even the scanty peace envisaged by the International Community must be backed with respect of Guinea-Bissau’s current new political moment.
This new political time is marked by the slowness of the intuitions, as opposed to a swift institutional time marked by blood. Those were times marked by marginal lives, when killing was synonym of political emancipation. The current new government seems to be waging on the end of that time. That is why it is crucial to support him with political and ethical tutorials which will cement political and institutional stability.
Inácio Valentim, in IPRIS
If the current situation spares blood and violence, the Carlos Gomes Júnior’s Government must be openly supported, as well as the continuous fearful silence of President Malam Bacai Sanhá. This support must be given while it is possible, as usually periods of stability in Guinea-Bissau only last six to twelve mouths. Alas, this timeframe is long enough for a new politico-military death or another coup attempt to subvert an order that never truly existed in the country.
If one aims for a new beginning - a time to rebuild a country from ashes, even if in political and military uncertainty -, there’s the need to impose a ‘military oblivion’. Therefore, the current International Community wish for a ‘peace without peace’ in Guinea-Bissau will not be realized dealing only with violence and harshness towards its military - as if it would be possible to cure in an instant a decade-old malaise.
This approach should not be seen as an opportunity given to Guinea-Bissau. It is rather an appeal to the growth and ripening of political institutions. This mechanism should be seen from the epistemic side of politics: to educate how to do politics, to educate politicians how to behave as public figures. This should not be blended with the West’s longing to solve the narcotrafficking problem. These are separated goals.
Bissau-Guinean politicians must understand why they enter into politics. If they do not know it, there will never be politics in Guinea as there will never be political responsibilization. Having this in mind, the International Community should focus in organizing a continuous political seminar for local politicians and military to tutor them on how to better perform their duties. Local institutions have failed to educate its officials to work for them and the people. Without that, there is no possibility for political responsibilization in Guinea-Bissau. For now, Bissau-Guineans go into politics without having public service in mind. Instead, they chose that path to serve themselves in a sophistic manner. Thus, there’s an urgent need for a political episteme in Guinea-Bissau. Only with an ethical-ontic compromise will politics in Guinea serve those who are the object of politics.
Nowadays it is crucial to reflect on Bissau-Guinean’s education, the training of its officials and in the fair distribution of the country’s meagre resources. Guinea’s politicians must also avoid the image of a country besieged by narcotrafficking, while avoiding making this its main priority and obsession. The fight against drug trafficking must also be dealt with by the countries affected by it in cooperation with Guinea-Bissau’s government, providing it with efficient means. However, the difference between providing and imposing must be respected. Even the scanty peace envisaged by the International Community must be backed with respect of Guinea-Bissau’s current new political moment.
This new political time is marked by the slowness of the intuitions, as opposed to a swift institutional time marked by blood. Those were times marked by marginal lives, when killing was synonym of political emancipation. The current new government seems to be waging on the end of that time. That is why it is crucial to support him with political and ethical tutorials which will cement political and institutional stability.
Inácio Valentim, in IPRIS
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